Population geography: lifecourse matters
Adrian J. Bailey
School of Geography, University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK
Progress in Human Geography 33(3) (2009) pp. 407–418
Key words: age, childhood, family, generation, time.
I Introduction
Concerning itself with the spatial nature of society’s populations, scholarship in population geography continues to reflect and, in some instances, lead wider discussions about relational thinking that span the social sciences. This review aims to describe how research on lifecourse geographies carries themes of relationality while contributing new knowledge on topics that include: mobility, work, housing, childhood, changing families1 and social networks, age, generation, disability, health and well-being inequalities, and vulnerability.
Geographical engagements with life course/ life-course/lifecourse research are well established, if not always visible (Hopkins and Pain, 2007). Recent developments build on antecedents from behavioural geography, regional science, feminist geography, and population studies (Huff and Clark, 1978; Frey, 1984; Courgeau, 1985; Warnes, 1986; Wagner, 1989; Chant and Radcliffe, 1992; Odland and Shumway, 1993; Katz and Monk, 1993; van Wissen and Dykstra, 1999). However, a poststructural emphasis upon how power relations constitute and are constituted by the spaces of groups and groupings reworks this legacy in new directions. For example, a priori ‘life cycle’ categorizations of age and the deterministic timbre of stage and time are seen as normalized and politically problematic categories of analysis. Yet, this is not to deny the very real role of structural dependencies, synchronizations, and sequences that flow through the lives of individuals and social institutions. Here I am interested in what lifecourse research adds to the recognition that: ‘spatial contexts are not passive … geometries of power “populate” places in a way that produces not only uneven geographies of labour, but that connects places to a global system’ (Findlay, 2005: 432). To capture how lifecourse research both develops and reworks, this review is organized in three substantive sections that highlight: biographies and careers and how these flow and are sequenced through an individual life; the linking and synchronization of lives in and through space; inequalities over lifecourses and their theorization.
II Biographies, transitions, and events
Interested in patterns of order and orders of patterns in the often banal practices of everyday life, lifecourse scholarship seeks to describe the structures and sequences of events and transitions through an individual’s life (Elder, 1985; Hareven, 2000).
Geographers have turned to individual biographies to organize such accounts (for example, Halfacree and Boyle, 1993; Silvey and Lawson, 1999). Biographies help relate trajectories (or ‘careers’, including residential location, mobility, work, incarceration) to transitions (such as the demographic triumvirate of birth, death, and migration events, and nest-leaving, partnering, separating, retirement) and the spaces and times they fl ow through (Dykstra and van Wissen, 1999).
The production and experience of individual mobility biographies has been studied in relation to patterns of work, housing, and household organization at a variety of scales and historic times (Hägerstrand, 1970; Sandefur and Scott, 1981; Clark and Huang, 2003; Li, 2004; Flowerdew and Al-Hamad, 2004; Pooley et al., 2005; Plane et al., 2005; Naess, 2006; Axhausen, 2007; Scheiner, 2007). A number of recent papers suggest that mobility biographies cross-cut spheres of production and social reproduction. For example, Kulu (2008) relates mobility behaviour in Austria to employment, partnership, and childbirth events. Frändberg (2008) uses a time-space path perspective to explore the mobility biographies of a group of 162 young Swedes and reports complex, but systematic, relationships between temporary mobility (including holidays and trips to second homes) and migration. Tying together what are often treated as discrete literatures on mobility, tourism and migration informs transnational theorizations of social spaces and networks (Olwig, 2003; George, 2005). Integrating mobility and migration biographies also extends knowledge of the strategies international migrants use in response to the changing institutional regulation of immigration (Poot and Sanderson, 2007). The institutional organization of social insurance in Sweden, Germany, and the USA explains how the different mobility regimes in these counties reflect national variations in the rates of events and transitions including occupation mobility, job displacement, household demography (DiPrete, 2002).
The trajectories and transitions of work, employment, and livelihood comprise a second focus of activity (van Hoven and Pfaffenbach, 2003). Research on the migration-employment nexus relates the sequencing of migration to transitions in and out of the labour market and to wage characteristics (Cooke, 2003), and highlights the roles of gender and family organization (Nilsson, 2001; Kofman, 2004; Smith and Bailey, 2006), and housing markets (Clark and Withers, 2002; Davies-Withers and Clark, 2006). Housing careers contribute to the development of such housing markets (Kendig, 1995; Clark et al., 2003). Research on housing careers also suggests that ‘the extent to which housing quality increases over the life course is lastingly influenced by (the timing of ) experiences in the educational, labour market and household careers’ (Feijten and Mulder, 2005: 583). Supporting this are explorations of how the cultural dynamics of intergenerational wealth transfers affect the housing opportunities of young adults (Murdie, 2002; Tomassini et al., 2003; Kurz, 2004; Feijten, 2005).
Descriptions of transitions between childhood, adolescence and adulthood also weave together the spheres of production and social reproduction (Holloway and Valentine, 2000; McKendrick, 2001; Aitken, 2001; Valentine, 2003). Space plays an important role in mediating transitions, through gender systems (McDowell, 2002), the structure of educational opportunities and markets (Mulder and Clark, 2002; Punch, 2004; Hopkins, 2006a), transnational family networks (Orellana et al., 2001; Pribilsky, 2001; Smith, 2006), and structural relations of poverty and inequality (Ansell, 2004; Furlong and Cartmel, 2007; van Blerk, 2008). Such transitions have been connected to processes of globalization through debates on scale (Ruddick, 2003; Horschelmann and Schafer, 2005) and social reproduction (Mitchell et al., 2004; Katz, 2005). One way in which understanding of the institutional contexts of transition into adulthood has been advanced is through careful analysis of how the increasingly prevalent practices of incarceration and youth justice both implicate and transform lifecourse constructions (Pettit and Western, 2004). For example, Brown (2007: 227) argues that ‘the juvenile court pathologized urban childhood, and reinforced a spatial division within society between urban youth of color and ideal childhoods thought to punctuate suburban, middle-class, white families’. Gilmore’s (2007) analysis of incarceration practices in California describes how ideas about motherhood are brought into sharp relief through the strategies women utilize to ‘reclaim their children’ (Chapter 5).
While the fi eld continues to focus on how events constitute population groups, the range of events studied tends to be restricted to births, deaths, migration, and family formation events (Bailey, 2005). Yet, other events function as rites of passage, circulate norms and social meanings, and play roles in constituting groups (Teather, 1999; Fannin, 2004). Further analyses of lifecourse geographies should expand the concept of event and consider, for example, memorials, anniversaries, public commemorations, roadside markers, festivals and so on (see Kong, 2001).
III Synchronization and contingency
Interest in how individuals and groups organize their lives in relation to others, society and its institutions motivates lifecourse analyses of linking and, more specifi cally, practices and ideologies of synchronization. As with human geography more generally, this relational thrust has been accompanied and enriched by a consideration of space and place – specifi cally, sensitivity to the ways in which contingencies affect synchronization. Such research stands to contribute to extant debates on spatial contingency although paradoxically, and as intimated, has had less to say about ‘temporal’ contingency, despite the call for such insights (Massey, 2005) and the demonstrated potential for lifecourse research to contribute such material (Hockey and James, 2003).
A growing appreciation of the ‘family’ context of linked lives and synchronization is coincident with calls for studies that transcend individual-level analysis (Mulder and Wagner, 1993; Kofman, 2004; Bergeron and Potter, 2006; Clark and Huang, 2006). Coordinating multiple lives in a family context both enables and constrains the timing of migration, as suggested by Bailey et al.’s (2004) description of how dual-career couples make location decisions in relation to the needs of elderly parents, and the economic and cultural resources such generations provide to working parents and their children. Such synchronization has implications for gender relations: Schwanen’s (2007) analysis of the repetitive cycles of chauffeuring children to school by parents in dual-earner families reports that while fathers take on many of these trips their arrangement continues to reflect gender ideologies. Holmes (2006) considers the locational decisions of dual-career couples and suggests that decisions to live apart that balance emotional labouring with working biographies are more likely at certain lifecourse moments than others. Resurreccion and van Khanh (2007) also highlight the importance of the timing of cooperation strategies between women and men in reproducing gender relations, and distance themselves from performativity frameworks that assume linear accumulations of cooperation. There are important connections to research on the geographic connections between family members (Smith, 1998; Joseph and Hallman, 1998; Rogerson et al., 1997; Hardill, 2002) and how the synchronizing strategies of partnering extend gender ideologies over space (Walton-Roberts, 2004).
The importance of spatial and temporal contingency in mediating how synchronization affects social norms and the circulation of power more generally emerges as a key theme in the interdisciplinary analyses of transnational families (Bryceson and Vuorela, 2002; Asis et al., 2004; Parreòas, 2005). Moreover, this literature calls attention to synchronization through extended family and kin linkages and, most generally, over multiscaled social networks (Waters, 2002; Kobayashi and Preston, 2007; Bashi, 2007; Conway and Potter, 2007). Mulder (2007) calls for attention to how the ‘extra household’ context of family relations affects residential choices. Such diverse social networks operating outside the ‘family’ are increasingly important in the face of rising immigrant populations which attach greater weight to family networks, the changing nature of intergenerational wealth transfers under neoliberal conditions, and the growing diversity in living arrangements beyond the nuclear family. Yet, despite some helpful analyses of temporal contingencies (including Neven, 2002, and Bonvalet et al., 2007), theoretical progress remains elusive (Bailey and Boyle, 2004).
In addition to richer accounts of gender relations, family relations, and social networks, attention to sequence and temporal contingency also contributes to ongoing discussions of the relationality of age and generation. For example, while ideas of childhood and generation have been reworked through critiques of the localized and normalized discursive practices that defi ne groups using dualisms and biological referents (ie, children are not yet adults, generations are defi ned with reference to a common origin event; Valentine, 1995; Harper and Laws, 1995; Pain et al., 2000; Stewart, 2005), new lifecourse-framed work explores the implications of temporal contingencies and norms for age and generation. Van Blerk and Ansell (2006) describe how structural failure, poverty, and HIV-AIDS have led many southern African children to experience biographies, transitions, and linkages in socially disrupted and spatially dislocated ways, with implications for norms of social hierarchy and the ideologies of childhood that circulate. Vanderbeck (2005) reads a sedentarizing narrative into the schoolhouse experiences of Traveller children in Britain. This calls into question parents’ ability to meet the development needs of their children and thus reworks the meaning of childhood and idealized childhood both within the community, and nationally. Leiter et al.’s (2006) examination of how recent US citizenship frameworks reorder the access that children and parents receive to social citizenship calls into question generationally based understandings of adult–child relations, with further implications for understandings of immigrant childhoods and the mediating role of state institutions upon such group constructions. More broadly, the implications of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child for childhood is discussed by Skelton (2007). Explorations of the contingencies of generational identity and consciousness have also led to less normative constructions of population groups (Andrews et al., 2006). Indeed, the ways that spatial contingency engenders and cements the values and beliefs that lend generational consciousness have concerned McHugh (2007: 294) and colleagues for a number of years. He focuses on the role of age-restricted communities in reworking generation, and connects personal narratives and life histories with national stories that circulate as national mythologies through everyday and historic times.
Lifecourse research on intergenerational relations also focuses on the contingencies of synchronization, drawing from studies of children (Alanen and Mayall, 2001), elderly (McHugh, 2003), immigrant communities (Hopkins, 2006b; Pieke, 2007), and social reproduction (Mitchell et al., 2004). Seeing it an important cross-cutting agenda that should focus on the family and non-family contexts of such relations, Vanderbeck (2007) draws on Riley and Riley (2000) and Mayall and Zeiher (2003) to foreground processes of ‘generationing’ that link social constructions of generations and generational relations to intersections between biographies, historical times, and social times that play over the spaces of lifecourses. Vanderbeck’s argument (pp. 213–15) further expands the existing focus beyond the family, and beyond heteronormative scripting of lifecourse intersections by pointing to research suggesting ‘distinctive’ spatialites and temporalities in the rhythms and sequences of queer lives (notably, Halberstam, 2005).
A cluster of research on ‘disabling’ processes likewise draws on notions of linkage and sequence in space to posit less essentialized readings of disability (Imrie and Edwards, 2007). Thomas (2004) traces how the space of the home and its use by disabled bodies and others with overlapping activity spaces recasts the experience of home, perpetuating a ‘disabling’ feeling and practice. Holt (2004) argues that the state, through its promulgation of a sanctioned ‘national’ curriculum, sets temporal parameters on the development of students; by failing to ‘keep up with’ targets and timings, constructions of disability are produced and circulated in the spaces and times of educational biographies, with implications for the classifi cation and streaming of children. Indeed, many studies shed light on how synchronization is enabled and constrained by institutions and regulations (Mayer and Schopflin, 1989; Cohen, 1997).
IV Theorizing inequality over
lifecourses
Understanding how lifetime accumulations of experiences, resources, and vulnerabilities impact and circulate inequality has motivated lifecourse analysis of how early life experiences put individuals into, and take them out of, harm’s way, how particular places and moments take on significance in the perpetuation of structural disadvantage, and how individuals and groups use which resources to enhance economic and social participation.
Methodologically diverse biomedical and health studies explore the role of lifecourse structures for triggering and maintaining inequality in health outcomes (Davey-Smith et al., 1997; Graham, 2001). Using aggregated data from Canada, Prus (2007) fi nds increasing health inequalities between socioeconomic status groups with age, suggesting the persistence of strong early life infl uences. Focusing on the educational outcomes of young adults, Murasko (2007) similarly concludes that early life experiences – in this case, locus of control and self-esteem – exert a systematic impact upon later life. Lake et al. (2004) highlight the importance of childhood diet for affecting the development of chronic diseases (Popkin, 1993), and tie the food choices of adolescents to lifecourse processes surrounding their transition to adulthood. Lifecourse readings of violence against women receive growing but relatively limited attention (Menjivar and Salcido, 2002; Jiwani, 2005).
Lifecourse analyses of economic inequalities and well-being have drawn on work– life balance and role theory to trace the impact of role balances and compromises in middle life upon lower incomes and inequality in later life (Evandrou and Glaser, 2004). The consequences of migration sequencing for employment inequalities between White and non-White students is a theme taken up by Faggian et al. (2006). This research asks how the type of migration strategy used upon graduation from a UK university is linked to an earlier lifecourse decision to migrate to study and to characteristics of the course of study, the local area, and the student. NonWhite students leave their homes to study at a lower rate compared with White students with ‘long term implications, in that their [non-White] subsequent migration propensities and consequently their long term incomes will be reduced relative to those who were more mobile at the earlier stage’ (p. 470). In describing variations in the international migration strategies of UK students, Findlay et al. (2006) argue that unequal access to secondary higher education may act to reproduce social disadvantage.
Another body of research explores how material and discursive dimensions of lifecourses can be mobilized to increase the social, economic, and political participation of individuals and groups. The importance of social networks runs through Blank and Torrecilha’s (1998) research on Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cubans in the USA to support the lifecourse view that immigrant adults boost their participation by organizing residential careers and extended family living arrangements in ways that ‘generate resources’ for caring for young children and elders (see also Donker’s 2004 analysis of Ghanian immigrants’ adaption strategies in Canada, and Salaff and Greve, 2004). Bergen et al. (2003) focus on the strategies in everyday life used by women to combat chronic illness. Smith and Holt (2007) call for a lifecourse view of how (student) gentrifiers participate in complex urban housing markets. Their view extends oversimplistic lifecycle accounts of nest-leaving by probing historical intersections between transformations in higher education and studentifi cation and the circulation of social norms surrounding home–work transitions and family belonging. Goldstein (2003) tracks the roles of humour and the development of lifecourse narratives that use humour to structure, synchronize, and connect the sometimes banal and often oppressive events of everyday life among poor populations in Rio de Janeiro. The potential of disrupting sedentarist norms and fostering participation through ideologies of mobility is explored by Uteng (2006), who asks what happens when the ‘roots’ of genealogical order and hierarchy are disrupted by the ‘routes’ of mobility in framing daily understandings of identity and belonging? Here migration – mobility – is made more than movement through its transformative action upon temporality, such that, at least for these immigrants, it offers capabilities that can increase active participation in society, and reduce inequality.
This research also addresses what makes strategies of participation more successful in some places, and at some times, than others. Growing sensitivity to why some places are healthy and therapeutic, and others degenerative (Smyth, 2008: 124) may foreground not only how health sequences unfold across an individual’s biographical times, but jointly through the historical and social times of these place contexts. Using linked longitudinal and historical data, Curtis et al. (2004) show that the place contexts of early life (including the degree of local unemployment) do exert a systematic affect upon later life illness. Grundy (2006) notes how the promotion of healthy lifestyles, coping strategies, and social networks throughout the lifecourse can ensure elderly people accumulate a range of resources that can offset vulnerabilities. Maxey (2004) focuses on the participation of children in intentional communities through the circulation of non-adultist norms that develop in particular places.
What emerges is a complex articulation between the accumulation of life experience and resources, contingency, and inequality and participation. Readings of embodied lifecourses have emerged as ways of ‘socializing’ corporeality and appreciating the social geometries of the lifecourse, while preserving the integrity of self-society mediations (Hockey and James, 2003). Conradson and McKay (2007: 170) note that affect, emotion, and the subjectivity of self arise as an ‘embodied physiological state that emerges through relational encounter’, with Sheller and Urry (2006) opening up ‘mobilities’ as such locales of encounter. Within population geography there are calls for the analysis of embodied vulnerabilities that focus both on individual and group experiences of hardship and upon the ‘chains of infl uence’ that circulate disadvantage (Heikkila, 2005; Philo, 2005: 443). Futhermore, Flamm and Kaufman (2006) contribute to broadening the treatment of temporality by uncovering changing ideologies of motility in historical time, although the changing nature of participation across social time has received less attention (Southerton, 2006, is one exception). Pursuing the idea of what might be acceptable timespans for coordinating lifecourse activities, Schwanen (2006) argues that clock-time defi nitions alone will miss the relational, material, and embodied nature and meaning of such couplings and intersections.
A further set of lifecourse theorizations focus on experiences of temporality. Jarvis et al. (2001) and Jarvis (2005) focus on working families and report that the true costs of time squeeze are related to housing affordability, childcare shortages, transport failures, and school choice. Bauman (2007: 3) argues that spans of biographical times are increasingly fragmented with the past being no guide to the future, and ‘a swift and thorough forgetting of outdated information [and experience] and fast ageing habits can be more important to the next success than the memorization of past moves and the building of strategies on a foundation laid by previous learning’ (italics in original). Indeed, for Butler (2004), participation in political community can be enabled through a socially and relationally transacted performance of grief. As lifecourse resources, processes of remembering and forgetting emerge as productive topics for reflection, not least, of course, because memories ‘are always mediated’ (Chamberlain and Leydesdorff, 2004: 229), with gaps, silences, and absences presumably unfolding over lifecourses in relational ways.
V Conclusion
This review has attended to how lifecourse matters matter. Through the development of increasingly interdisciplinary agendas and relational frameworks research outlines less normative views of terms like age, family, generation, and groups, while expanding knowledge of childhood, old age, processes of disabling, generationing, and gendering. This interdisciplinarity – also refl ected in the growth of such nodes as the National Centre for Lifecourse Research (New Zealand), the ESRC Seminar on Time Space and the Life Course (UK), and the Bronfenbrenner Life Course Center (Cornell, USA) – has implications for intradisciplinarity (for example, opportunities for lifecourse work on health inequalities; Smyth, 2008: 119).
A key strength of this work is the progress toward appreciating how the spaces and spatial contingencies of everyday life matter for strategies of production and social reproduction. Discussions of lifecourse contingencies, participation, and embodiment hook up with broader discussions in the discipline about, for example, care (McDowell, 2004; Lawson, 2007), hark back to Hettner’s (1927) point that the fi eld might roam across the spheres of production and settlement/ consumption, and advance the field’s engagement with materiality through contributions to global discussions on vulnerability, including the International Geographical Union’s Commission on Population and Vulnerability (Findlay, 2005).
An ongoing challenge remains theorizing spatiality and temporality in ways sensitive to their mutually constitutive relationship (May and Thrift, 2001). For example, Brown and Colton (2001) suggest that events surrounding ‘death’ may function to reconstitute space and time, Cwerner (2001) and Zerubuval (2003) link the spaces and times of community to the circulation of social division, and Jarvis (2005) suggests ‘city time’ and ‘urban inequality’ are co-constitutive and mutually implicated across and of the lifecourse. Such studies inspire accounts that avoid new fixity and hierarchy, and that resonate with a fl uidity and fl eetfootedness that seems to be the way of lifecourses.
Note 1.
Buzar et al.’s (2005) review of household matters provides the specifi c impetus for this review, not to mention inspiration for the title.
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