Contextualising Regional Identity and Imagination in the Construction of Polycentric Urban Regions: The Cases of the Ruhr Area and the Basque Country
Henk van Houtum, Arnoud Lagendijk
Henk van Houtum
Department of Human Geography, Faculty of Policy Sciences, University of Nijmegen, PO Box 9108, 6500 HK Nijmegen, The Netherlands, Henk.vanHoutum@mailbox.kun.nl
Arnoud Lagendijk
Department of Planning, Faculty of Policy Sciences, University of Nijmegen, PO Box 9108, 6500 HK Nijmegen, The Netherlands, A.Lagendijk@bw.kun.nl
Urban Studies, 2001, vol. 38, issue 4, 747-767
Abstract
In this contribution, we aim at positioning and sharpening the concept of 'polycentric urban region' (PUR) by comparing it with preceding approaches to interurban interdependency and by discussing its potentials and pitfalls. The main outcome of the comparison is that the notion of a PUR constitutes a strategic rather than an analytical concept. To unravel the pros and cons of the concept of PUR, a link is made between the strategic interpretation of the PUR concept and the notion of regional identity. The argument put forward is that the strategic dimension of the PUR concept rests on, and mobilises, the identification of a region as an area with distinct morphological and functional characteristics, and a unique cultural identity. In practice, the way these strategic, functional and cultural dimensions interact varies between specific cases of PUR. Two examples are presented here. The Ruhr area in Germany shows how strategic action, supported by an existing functional integration and identity, is geared towards reshaping and mobilising the cultural identity. The Basque country reveals a reverse pattern, in which 'geo-strategic' considerations, fed by a strong cultural identity, shape and invoke functional images to support the concept of a 'Basque polynuclear system'. We end by discussing the possible success of PUR as a core concept in urban planning in western Europe.
Introduction
The concept of polycentric or polynucleated urban regions (PURs) has become a fashion- able notion in the present literature of urban and regional science (see, for example, Jauregui Fernandez, 1993; Dieleman, 1996; Dieleman and Priemus, 1996; Albrechts, 1998; Dieleman and Faludi, 1998a, 1998b). The claim is made that in contemporary so- ciety many of the non-metropolitan, but yet larger, cities that are distinct but geographi- cally close to each other can increasingly be seen as interdependent, as tied together in functional regions. The theoretical arguments as well as the empirical evidence for the claim of the existence of PURs stems mainly from western Europe. In this contribution, we zoom in on the theory and western European cases by which the rise of PURs is explained. Section 1 presents ‘PURs’ as one concept among various addressing interde- pendency between cities. The approaches in- clude the ‘urban Ž eld’ concept, the ‘city systems’ approach and the concept of ‘urban networks’. Section 2 addresses the issue of regional identity and its constituent dimen- sions (strategic, cultural and functional) in order to contextualise further the potentials and pitfalls of the concept of PURs. Section 3 focuses on the narrations of the develop- ments in two often-quoted examples of PURs: the Ruhr area and the Basque country. Section 4 critically evaluates the concept and concludes.
1. Interdependency between Cities
The matter of interdependency between cities has come a long way in the theory of urban geography and urban economics. This section will discuss the various concepts that, by presenting different images of interdependen- cies, have informed the notion of polycentric urban regions. In particular, three concepts are highlighted: ‘urban Ž eld’ as introduced by Friedman and Miller, Pred’s ‘city systems’ and the concept of urban networks.
1.1 The Urban Field
In their much-cited article on ‘The urban Ž eld’ in 1965, Friedman and Miller start their argument with the following quote of Don Martindale as written in his introduction to Max Weber’s essay, ‘The city’,
The modern city is losing its external and formal structure. Internally it is in a state of decay while the new community repre- sented by the nation everywhere grows at its expense. The age of the city seems to be at its end (Weber, 1964, p. 62).
Friedman and Miller use this quote as an enforcement of their argument: the coming of the urban Ž eld. The idea of the urban Ž eld is based on interdependency between differ- ent urban regions. The urban Ž eld would replace the traditional and separated concepts of town and countryside, of rural and urban regions, of city and periphery, in line with Stein’s (1964) work on the “Regional City” and Gottmann’s (1961) name for the ur- banised north-eastern seaboard of the US, Megalopolis. These views were in sharp contrast with the then popular theory of central places of Christaller (1933/1996) and Lo¨sch (1954). While interesting in the way the ‘ur- ban Ž eld’ was able to capture new spatial trends in urban development, the concept did not provide a clear notion of spatial interde- pendencies within and around the urban Ž eld. Other concepts, such as ‘city systems’ and ‘urban networks’ have stepped in to address this issue.
1.2 City Systems
In his thought-provoking publication “City systems in advanced economics” of 1977, Pred used the term city systems to describe all those individual urban units in a country or large region that are to some extent eco- nomically interdependent with other individ- ual urban units in the same country or region (Pred, 1977, p. 13). He makes a distinction between the interdependence among the cities in a country or region and the openness of the set of cities as a whole. A matrix of four categories of conditions arises from this distinction, varying from low interdependency and low openness (‘the case of medieval Europe’) to high interdependency and high openness (‘the case of modern industrialised countries and regions’). The indicator he uses to measure the interdependency in the city system is the circulation of specialised infor- mation, the kind of information that is used by the decision-makers of a territorial unit. Since specialised information is spatially bi- ased, Pred argues that the circulation and availability of information makes up a reliable indicator for the growth of channels of interdependence. Compared with Friedman and Miller, hence, Pred is much clearer about the nature of interdependency between urban areas. Using information time-lag surface maps for individual cities at selected dates in time, he found that for the evolution of the city system in the US the circulation of spe- cialised economic information was most readily available in the largest cities, and that this presented a major source of business innovation and economic dynamics. He particularly stressed the ways in which commu- nications and interaction networks underpin innovative behaviour among businesses, since such networks.
provide ideas, conceptual stimuli, observations, and other bits of information that are less available under conditions of relative geographic isolation (Pred, 1977, p. 99).
Also, Pred makes an effort to demonstrate that Christaller’s model and the empirical Ž ndings based on this model—for example, as found by Berry (1972, 1973)—are not valid (Pred, 1977). The channels of interde- pendence should be seen as much more com- plex. The diffusion pattern he found is much more variegated than that described in the hierarchical model. The diffusion of spe- cialised information between large cities oc- curred and occasionally even the diffusion proceeded from small to large cities. For the post-industrial urban system, Pred foresaw a growing role of multilocational organisations in city-system interdependence and growth in the circulation of specialised information via the channels of interorganisational and intraorganisational linkages between the head ofŽ ces and the different subordinate units.
1.3 Urban Networks
With this latter line of thinking on linkages, Pred cleared the way for the evolution of yet another concept to describe city systems, one which has become popular since the begin- ning of the 1980s: the concept of urban networks. This concept expressed the growing belief that next to vertical, horizontal co-operation and linkages between cities are also important. Post-industrial urban systems would increasingly be ‘deChristallerised’. In Europe in particular, as a consequence of the process of European integration, the concept of urban networks became fashionable (see Ministry of Education and Science, 1987; Pumain, 1992; Batten, 1995; Camagni and Salone, 1993). Many scientiŽ c and political documents emphasise that the European inte- gration process between countries can and must be guided by a stimulation and growth of the networking between cities in Europe. Batten, for example, foresees the develop- ment of an ‘innovative class’ of urban net- works, which through co-operation and sharing complementary assets achieve signiŽ cant economies of scope. In claiming this, he draws a parallel with business net- works.
The co-operative mechanisms may re- semble those of inter-Ž rm networks in the sense that each urban player stands to beneŽ t from the synergies of interactive growth via reciprocity, knowledge ex- change and unexpected creativity (Batten, 1995, p. 313).
Core factors to reach the ‘innovative class’ are the availability of transnational human resources and corridors of high-quality trans- port and communications infrastructure.
The latter aspect, that of physical infra- structure, has gained prominence in empiri- cal approaches as well as in policy-oriented work. The competitiveness of urban regions has become associated more closely with their physical position in, and connection to, the European communication system. The terms ‘missing links’ and ‘accessibility’ be- came key elements in stressing the necessity of the Ž lling of the ‘structural holes’ (Burt, 1992) in the European urban network (see Bruinsma, 1994; Nijkamp, 1993). In the 1990s, the notion of urban networks was complemented with images of spatial corri- dors at national and international levels. Spatial corridors, containing major routes of communication, present the gateways for ur- ban areas to other major economic areas. In the Dutch case, for example, the notion of spatial corridors structured around major transport axes towards Germany and Bel- gium has become a leading image in present debates on spatial planning and the role of the city (Ministry of Economic Affairs, 1999). In this view, corridors are the spatial manifestation of economic power relation- ships that condition and shape the develop- ment of urban networks. For urban networks, corridors thus play a double role. On the one hand, they present spatial gateways for urban communication and competitiveness. On the other hand, they provide a wider spatial frame of reference for the strategic positioning of speciŽ c urban networks in a wider competitive space.
The development of the ‘urban network’ concept has been crucial for the actual inter- est and application of ‘PURs’. In particular, what is important is the increase in the dis- cursive emphasis on the strategic element of networks, referring to the competitive positioning of adjacent areas. It is this strategic aspect which has underpinned the popularity of the term PURs.
1.4 Polycentric Urbanisation and Polycentric Urban Regions (PURs)
The label polycentric is not new. It has been used for a long time now, mostly in the Ž eld of urban and regional planning for individual cities, as distinct from monocentric urbanisation. The concept of polycentric urbanisation has gained renewed attention in the past few years, not as a deŽ nition of an urban structure in a region or country alone, but more as a strategic planning concept. In the introduction to a special issue of European Planning Studies on PURs, Dieleman and Faludi (1998b), argue that the concept, referred to as polynucleated urbanisation (PU), Ž ts all postindustrial cities. They refer to Hall’s (Hall, 1997) paper on “Modelling the post-industrial city” to back their argument. In line with Pred, Hall stresses the ‘informationised’ nature of economic activities, which has put advanced services at the top of the economic development priorities. Hall argues that cities can increasingly be characterised as having multiple centres in one functional territory, while they are also more and more embedded in global networks. Because of the increase in transport possibilities and the congestion and high prices in inner cities, a differentiation between inner and outer city centres has emerged in most post-industrial cities. The development of the outer areas of large cities—what Soja (1996) refers to as ‘exopolis’ and Fishman (1990) terms ‘tech- noburbs’—and the evolution of major employment and commercial centres in metropolitan peripheries—Garreau’s (1991) ‘edge cities’—have been a signiŽ cant focus of recent urban research and policy work. The evolution of the notion of polycentricity is thus a consequence of how the shift to an advanced service economy has fundamentally changed the meaning of urban centres and the way spatial infrastructures are used. While drawing on Hall, Dieleman and Faludi (1998b) move to a higher spatial scale than (metropolitan) cities, the level of PURs. They apply the idea of interrelated multiple centres to regional conŽ gurations. The argu- ment is made that compared to the typical metropolitan areas like Berlin, Paris and London, polycentric urban regions could be discerned in the dense spatial pattern of cities in Europe. Many of the non-metropolitan, but yet larger, cities that are close to each other can increasingly be seen as interdepen- dent, as tied together in functional regions, they claim. The authors quote the examples of the Randstad, the Flemish Diamond and the Rhine–Ruhr area. They point to com- muter patterns in these urbanised regions to validate the claim of functional togetherness between these formerly separated cities. Moreover, so the argument goes, the in- creased competitiveness between cities in the modern economy validates the necessity of such functional interdependence, since these cities by themselves are not large enough to compete with the metropolitan areas.
Dieleman and Faludi (1998b) themselves, however, do not give a clear and concrete deŽ nition, or potential indicator, of the con- cept of polycentrism. Following largely the recently presented deŽ nition of the European Commission (1999), a PUR can best be understood as a spatially closely connected and strategically planned region, with histori- cally and politically distinct cities, without a clear hierarchy ranking between them, and separated by open spaces. The present debate in literature around the concept of PURs appears to focus on these larger urban conŽ gurations.
1.5 Comparison between the Concepts of Interdependency between Cities
How does this latter notion of PUR differ from the previous concepts on interdepen- dency between cities? We see four main differences.
The Ž rst difference with previous concepts of urban interdependency is that the concept of PUR presents a blend between the concept of urban interdependencies and the classic concept of urban hierarchy. A PUR is clearly a modern application of the urban network concept with its explicit focus on the horizontal linkages between adjacent cities as part of a way to label and position the larger urban area with a notion of a wider (competitive) space. While the previous con- cepts stressed the importance of ‘deChristallerising’ the urban make-up of society, the concept of PUR, however, irts with the classic hierarchical model of cities in its stressing of the importance of central places by its continuous rhetorical re ection on sup- posed competitive rankings between metro- politan cities and urban conglomerations.
Secondly, the concept of the polycentric urban region is presented as a planning con- cept rather than a theory or a hypothesis, although it is endorsed by theoretical argu- ments and empirical justiŽ cations. A priori, the territorial shape of PURs is not based on an empirically grounded functional logic, but on images of functional integration. Note the difference from the model-based views of Christaller and Lo¨sch, who outlined a non- existing, theoretical model of functional interdependencies between cities (markets, in the case of Lo¨sch). In the case of PURs, the interdependency is set up explicitly to guide and structure planning thoughts and ideas, whereas previous concepts of the interdepen- dency between cities were Ž rst of all models or theories and were then used as a planning concept afterwards (see also Blotevogel, 2000).
Thirdly, despite the emphasis on the role of information, non-tangible assets and electronic communication, attention on the functional coherence between cities has, since the concept of the urban Ž eld, shifted increasingly to physical linkages between urban centres. Attention is drawn to the perceived need to link physically the main centres in the polycentric region. This also explains why, more than in the case of the previously mentioned concepts, maps, and the visualisation of spatial corridors on them, play such an important role.
The fourth difference with the previously mentioned concepts rests on the facts that the boundaries of polycentric regions are drawn more explicitly and that the concept is afŽ liated to the notion of existing urban centres. The region is a strategic (re)production. Within the concept of the PUR, the territorial component of the urban system is thus given more importance. The conŽ guration of the urban system is territorially bounded and much attention is paid to the positioning (including ‘competitiveness’) of the enclosed area. The concept is restricted to one region, whereas the other concepts were focused on the (future) development of the interdepen- dency between cities in time and space, with- out drawing boundaries around these cities a priori.
4. Conclusion
In this contribution, we have tried to analyse and assess the concept of polycentric urban regions (PURs) from a wider conceptual and empirical perspective. The Ž rst part of the paper argued that the concept could be placed in line with other concepts interpreting the interdependencies between cities. The concept of PURs differs from these concepts in several ways. Most signiŽ cantly, PUR pre- sents a strategic planning concept, rather than a theory. Agents using and promoting PUR concepts invoke geo-strategic images of ur- ban areas, using empirical and theoretical justiŽ cations, instead of the other way around, as tended to be the case with its precursors. The more strategic focus on the study of the interdependency of cities has also been accompanied by a shift towards emphasis on physical linkages, corridors, axes and maps. While ‘urban networks’ have also been used in a more strategic sense recently, PURs place a stronger emphasis on the spatial demarcation and positioning of a speciŽ c urban conglomeration—in other words, on its identity. In the case of a PUR, therefore, the concept of interdependencies between cities is translated in terms (of the construction) of its common identity.
To grasp the meaning and characteristics of speciŽ c PUR entities, a division has been made between three kinds of regional identity: cultural, functional and strategic. It was argued that these three dimensions of the regional identity of PURs are necessarily correlated, but that the contested nature of the interrelationships differs in time and space. Both functional and cultural identity play a double role in their interaction with the geo-strategic dimension. On the one hand, functional and cultural identity sustain the shaping of PURs by supporting com- munication and associational trends, as well as by facilitating and justifying the drawing of boundaries on historical and analytical grounds. On the other hand, the functional and cultural dimension provide objects of change for PUR strategies: elements of new cultural identities and images of future functional interdependencies. The triangle of re- gional identity thus allows for various forms of interaction between the dimensions distinguished, something that was supported by the case studies.
The two case studies were drawn from two regions with comparable economic conditions and urban structures. Both cases en- dorsed the notion of close interaction between the three dimensions distinguished—cultural, functional and strategic identity—but also the differences in how the interactions have evolved in time. While the Ruhr area provides some evidence of functional interaction, this does not translate into a strong strategic capacity, much to the regret of the regional development agency (KVR). SpeciŽ c institutional and political factors come into play here—notably the long-established resistance of state authorities to a strong Ruhr—but also the nature of identity, with its strong local place attachments, ap- pears to be a vital element. Interestingly, much of the strategic and political gap seems to be Ž lled by a myriad of local partnerships and policy networks that draw heavily on the existing socioeconomic and institutional links, geared to improving regional competitiveness in more localised and partial forms. In addition, common strategic capacity was and is geared largely to shaping a new cultural identity in an attempt to reverse the negative image of the area. In the Basque country, the reverse pattern is distinguished—that is, a weak functional inte- gration with a well-articulated, geo-strategic perspective that revolves around the functional image of the Basque country as a ‘competitive’ polycentric region in Europe. This case showed how the functional gap is being Ž lled with powerful spatial-functional images consisting of communication axes, growth centres and corridors.
The two areas discussed here only present a few PUR cases among many others that have arisen in the past decade. Other claimed examples of PURs, such as the ‘Flemish Diamond’, ‘Midlandton’ in the UK and the Dutch Randstad, will reveal other dynamic paths of development. By distinguishing various dimensions of regional identity, we have tried to present a conceptual framework that may help us to understand the processes of construction and reproduction of individ- ual PUR cases in a systematic way. Funda- mentally, we have argued that, as a common factor, the ‘polycentric urban region’ should be interpreted primarily as a geo-strategic concept. Analysis plays a supportive, but not a decisive, role. In many cases, the map and pencil seem to decide the shape of the PURs. It is the invocation—the appeal to (future) functional coherent developments, to cultural identities and to strategic positioning—that counts most. As a result, image-making is a crucial part of a PUR strategy. The present popularity of the term ‘PUR’ is apparently the hidden expression of a more basic need— that is, the need for the image of the urban structure, in order to have a conceptual basis for organising network-based strategies for urban development in a world dominated by issues of competitiveness.
Looking back at the history of concepts presented in the beginning of paper, we may Ž nally ask ourselves, how successful will PURs be as core concepts of urban planning? While the stories and images of functional and cultural interaction seem to present vital support for PURs, they may also contain serious pitfalls. Since the stories are strategy- driven, they may present, in the long term, a picture too much detached from reality. They may, for instance, in creating ashy, primitive images of integration, take too little ac- count of the complexity of spatial relations and identity at different spatial levels. In reverse, they may read correlation and systematic interaction from spatial patterns where there is, in reality, only co-location. Proximity is not a cause for interaction. What is lacking in such reasoning is the motives and actions of the agents, the people.
Moreover, PURs create a pervasive binary division between the included and excluded, while paying scant attention to the relation between the PUR and outside. As a result of this, outsiders appear as being irrelevant to PURs. Only other PURs are generally called upon as signiŽ cant external entities, but largely as rivals framed within the story of PURs being in competition with each other. PURs are highly normative, but beyond the rhetorical reference to ‘competitiveness’ there is little attention for the questions of what, whom and why the concept and strat- egy should serve.
To conclude, the framing of PURs in strong discursive logic of competitiveness, coupled with a vital role for functional and cultural coherence, allows the concept to be interpreted in a predominantly technical fashion. Planning is then reduced to making and reproducing pre-imagined PURs. What can be ignored and missed in this way is the establishment of a critical and democratically accountable setting in which the foundation, contents and meaning of the concept can be adequately debated. The strength of the con- cept—namely, its capacity to incite spatial strategies around one, captivating spatial vi- sion—may thus, for its lack of deeper analytical and political accountability, also hold its major weakness.
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